New unintentional pregnancy prevention products-ARHP launches national campaign to prevent unintended pregnancy.

Ideas had been solicited in and early Foundation, the pharmaceutical industry, and government agency representatives attended. Presentations were given and are summarized in this article on the nature and extent of the problem, the role of medicine and politics and the media in unwanted pregnancy, the effect of religion on sexual behavior, sexuality education, new contraceptive technology, and communications and resources. There is a worsening climate for dealing with reproductive issues. There is less money for family planning FP and clinics.

New unintentional pregnancy prevention products

Achieving cost-neutrality with long-acting reversible contraceptive methods. Doi: Provision of no-cost, long-acting contraception and teenage pregnancy. Variations in infant New unintentional pregnancy prevention products rates among counties of the United States: The roles of public policies and programs. Most unintended pregnancies result from Parental consent tanning salons new jersey using contraception or from not using it consistently or correctly. Success in raising the age of first intercourse, for example, is typically measured in increments of months, not years, as was the case with the Self Center. Adolescent mothers and repeated childbearing: Effects of a school-based intervention uninhentional. Wade, U. Local Programs Assessing the effectiveness of local programs in reducing unintended pregnancy is Giantess manga difficult, in part because of the sheer number of programs involved. Racial differences in birth outcomes: the role of general, pregnancy, and racism stress.

Teach gay. Preconception Health Promotion

It can be worn pregnxncy other clothes unintentkonal will even work over three layers of cotton clothes. They are constantly making noises and are wriggling little things. Not Helpful 28 Helpful Halo is probably the best-known manufacturer of the sleep sack and they have one of the most trusted products that parents will ever find. You could New unintentional pregnancy prevention products by taking a pregnancy test -- they're usually pretty accurate. When air is constantly being circulated, the chances of your little one getting better quality air is higher. Try taking a pregnancy test. CDC is not responsible for Section Toilet chair femdom bad accessibility on other federal or private website. This is the best sleeping position to help reduce the risk of SIDS. Some teens mistakenly think they cannot use LARC because of their age. Most newborns will sleep in a pregnanyc or other safe item until they are a little older and a little bigger.

Metrics details.

  • Show less
  • It normally occurs during the night when the baby is sleeping.
  • Teen childbearing can carry health, economic, and social costs for mothers and their children.
  • An unintended pregnancy is a pregnancy that is either unwanted, such as the pregnancy occurred when no children or no more children were desired.
  • .

NCBI Bookshelf. Included in the committee's charge was the mandate to ''describe the range of programs that have been organized in the last 10 years or so to reduce the incidence of unintended pregnancy and, to the extent possible, comment on the effectiveness of various approaches.

The chapter includes commentary on the possible economic effects of these programs, given the deep policy interest in this issue. Although there is no national program whose primary mission is to reduce unintended pregnancy per se, several activities funded at the federal and state levels have great relevance to unintended pregnancy inasmuch as they help to finance contraceptive services. Many of these funds flowed through several large, national programs: Medicaid and the Title X Family Planning Program serve the greatest number of women, but the Maternal and Child Health Services Block Grant, the Social Services Block Grant, community health centers, and migrant and rural health centers also help to provide reproductive health services in various ways.

Title X of the Public Health Service Act was first authorized in and serves as the backbone of family planning services for many women in the United States.

Title X authorizes project grants to public and private nonprofit organizations for the provision of family planning services to all who need and want them, including sexually active adolescents, but with a priority given to low-income persons. The program is buttressed by a training program for clinic personnel and has some community-based education activities as well. Federal monies are provided directly to state and local family planning providers, and state matching funds are not required.

During the s, federal funding fell dramatically and the clinics became more dependent on state, local, and private resources Gold and Daley, These family planning clinics served approximately 4. The majority of family planning clinic clients are low-income women, and approximately one-third are adolescents. The average proportion of male clients served in family planning clinics is approximately 6 percent Burt et al.

Medicaid is a national, publicly supported program that provides a unique 90 percent federal matching rate to state expenditures for the family planning care of women enrolled in the Medicaid program. In part because of the expansion in eligibility for pregnant and postpartum women, but primarily because of a rise in the number of people enrolled in Aid to Families with Dependent Children AFDC , and therefore also in Medicaid, more women began using Medicaid to support contraceptive services in the mid- to late s compared with the number in the s and the early s Ku, The impact of Title X and Medicaid, the two largest public programs, on unintended pregnancy has not been clearly defined, although a number of studies have tried to assess the effect of "publicly supported family planning programs" which typically include the Title X and Medicaid programs on various fertility measures, usually pregnancy and birth rates.

In essence, the first approach posits a certain level of effect of family planning programs on fertility, and then, with that assumption in hand, goes on to analyze the effects of publicly funded family planning services on various other outcomes, such as overall welfare expenditures. For example, Forrest and Singh b hypothesized four possible patterns of contraceptive use that might result from a reduction in public support of family planning programs; each pattern produced a different level of unintended pregnancy, among other things.

They concluded that had public sources of contraceptive services been unavailable in the late s, low-income women would have had between 1.

Using the same underlying assumptions, they also computed various estimates of cost savings that flow from public investments in family planning, as discussed later in this chapter. Similarly, Levey and colleagues constructed a detailed algorithm that allows one to estimate the impact of varying expenditure levels for family planning services on other state outlays, such as AFDC, in Iowa.

The other type of research often relies on state or county data and tries to estimate more directly the actual effect of publicly funded family planning programs on selected fertility measures. One such study, completed in the s, examined fertility levels across various geographic areas to assess the impact of family planning programs. The analysis concluded that "the U. Two more recent studies focused on different but closely related outcomes and used the same general methodology.

Grossman and Jacobowitz and Corman and Grossman clearly documented that organized family planning services reduced both infant and neonatal mortality rates. These gains were probably accomplished, in part, by reducing pregnancies among various groups that are at high risk of such mortality, such as low-income women or those with very short interpregnancy intervals.

Because these groups also tend to be at high risk of unintended pregnancy, it is reasonable to suggest that the positive effects observed by these investigators were due in part to reducing unintended pregnancy. Other studies using state level data have also been completed and, in the aggregate, suggest that publicly funded family planning programs affect some fertility measures more than others. For example, Moore and colleagues reported that total public expenditures on contraceptive services including Medicaid, Title X, and state funds per woman at risk of unintended pregnancy had no apparent effect on adolescent pregnancy rates, but did seem to have a variable effect on birth rates, differing somewhat by race and age.

Singh also found lower teenage birth rates in states with higher proportions of adolescents served in family planning clinics, but did not find an association with lower pregnancy rates. Similarly, Anderson and Cope found that publicly funded family planning programs in the United States could be linked to lower birthrates; this analysis did not assess effects on pregnancy rates.

Olsen and Weed also concluded using data that overall enrollment in family planning clinics is associated with reduced teen birth rates, but suggested that such enrollment may also be associated with increased teen pregnancy rates.

In a subsequent analysis, these same investigators Weed and Olsen, seemed to soften their earlier finding by concluding that "greater family planning program involvement does not result in a reduction in teenage pregnancy rates. None of them, for example, has been able to control for varying levels of sexual activity, nor do they factor in such other dynamics as the growing use of condoms—widely available outside of organized clinic systems—to prevent pregnancy.

One of the most recent such investigations is that of Meier and McFarlane They conducted a state-level analysis to measure the effectiveness of publicly funded family planning during the mids in influencing a variety of outcomes.

The analysis focused on several indicators of effectiveness: the state-level abortion rate, the age-specific fertility rate for adolescents, the incidence of low birthweight and premature births, the proportion of pregnant women receiving late or no prenatal care, and the neonatal and infant mortality rates.

The principal measure of public funding was the level of family planning funding per capita, a measure that draws together all Title X funds as well as funds from other federal and state sources see Gold and Macias, ; and Gold and Daley, , for discussions of these funding sources. They also defined a second and somewhat problematic measure of public funding: the publicly funded abortion rate.

This rate is the ratio of publicly funded abortions in a given year to the number of women aged 15—44 in that year. In addition, the investigators included a set of socioeconomic control variables, such as income per capita in the state, the proportion of the population that is black and Hispanic, and the proportion of the population that is Catholic.

In a pooled regression analysis, they found that increases in family planning funding were associated with a number of beneficial outcomes, such as a reduction in the incidence of low birthweight and reductions in neonatal and infant mortality levels. These effects were statistically significant and, when translated into totals, demographically important. They also found lower abortion rates, and because abortion is in almost all cases a response to an unintended pregnancy, this study suggests that increases in family planning funding reduced the number of unintended pregnancies.

Curiously, there is no apparent association with adolescent fertility rates, nor do significant effects emerge with respect to the proportion of births that are premature or the proportion of women who receive inadequate prenatal care. These conclusions from the analysis of Meier and McFarlane should be accepted with caution. The regression specification includes the publicly funded abortion rate as an explanatory variable, yet the total abortion rate, to which publicly funded abortions contribute, is treated as one of the dependent variables or effectiveness indicators.

Without a reanalysis of these data, it is not possible to say whether their mixing of explanatory and dependent variables renders all conclusions suspect.

It would not be surprising, however, if the net effect of the misspecification is to understate the full beneficial impacts of family planning funding. Again, though, none of these studies focus specifically on Title X or Medicaid. This gap in the literature is puzzling and remarkable. It means, in particular, that the largest public sector funding efforts, Title X and Medicaid, have not been well evaluated in terms of their net effectiveness, including their precise impact on unintended pregnancy.

At the same time, it is important to acknowledge how difficult it would be to design an evaluation of either program in the aggregate, although studying effects on unintended pregnancy in small areas is possible and should be done. In any event, these programs clearly help to finance contraceptive services for many women and some men and there is a strong suggestion that, as part of overall "publicly funded family planning services," they help to reduce fertility.

It is unlikely that careful evaluation would find no net effect on unintended pregnancy. Assessing the effectiveness of local programs in reducing unintended pregnancy is also difficult, in part because of the sheer number of programs involved.

There are, in fact, hundreds of smaller programs ongoing or recently completed in the United States that in some way address unintended pregnancy, and the committee made no attempt to investigate them all in great detail. Rather, the committee's focus was on those whose results have been carefully evaluated, a focus that considerably narrowed the task.

In the subsections below, lessons learned from the evaluated programs are discussed. It is important, however, to begin this consideration of local programs with a clear acknowledgment that the existing array of programs at the local level—those that have been evaluated and those that have not—reflects a unique history and, in particular, the changing interests and ideologies of both public and private funding agencies.

There are few references to adolescent pregnancy in the scientific literature before , although there are many references to births among unmarried women often called "illegitimacy" at the time.

In that era, most researchers and program planners appeared to believe that a child's being born to a married woman, rather than the age of the woman, was the major factor determining pregnancy outcomes and life prospects for mother and child. In the s, however, this began to change.

Health, education, and social service practitioners became concerned about the consequences of adolescent pregnancies, and therefore developed programs to assist pregnant adolescents, largely those still under 19 years of age. The emphasis of these early programs was on reducing maternal and infant morbidity and mortality through adequate prenatal care; keeping pregnant adolescents in school during their pregnancies, often through the development of special schools, and returning them to school after delivery of their child; and ameliorating problems in the areas of interpersonal relations, housing, and financial status through the provision of social services.

The programs also worked to prevent rapid repeat pregnancies among the participants. Perhaps the first such program was the Webster School, begun in in Washington, D. Programs in Syracuse, New Haven, Baltimore, and other cities followed, some with federal support, but most with local or, later, state funds. In , Kantner and Zelnik began to publish their pioneering studies of adolescent sexuality, contraceptive use, and pregnancy; and other researchers began to analyze the epidemiology, risk factors, and outcomes of adolescent pregnancy.

In and , federal agencies developed proposals to address the problem of adolescent pregnancy, but no major initiative was undertaken until the publication in of The Alan Guttmacher Institute's report, 11 Million Teenagers: What Can Be Done About the Epidemic of Adolescent Pregnancies in the United States?

The Alan Guttmacher Institute, A federal task force was then assembled, and its report to U. Although it included prevention language, the primary emphasis of this act was on demonstration projects that would provide "services to adolescents who are 17 years of age and under and are pregnant or who are parents. The act specified that grants should be made for demonstration projects for the provision of prevention services as well as for care services, and stressed the prevention of sexual activity among adolescents i.

Under the terms of the new legislation, grantees could not provide family planning services, other than counseling and referral, unless appropriate family planning services were not otherwise available in the community Vinovskis, The legislation allowed OAPP to support education programs whose aim was to prevent pregnancy.

This was a relatively new role for the federal government since most sex education was assumed to be conducted in schools, by religious organizations, or by families, and the federal role in curriculum development had traditionally been advisory, with state and local governments taking the lead. This research was an attempt to understand the range of approaches being used around the nation and to determine their effectiveness.

During this time, several not-for-profit, intermediary organizations, such as the Center for Population Options and the North Carolina Coalition on Adolescent Pregnancy, 4 were organized to advocate for attention to the problem of teenage pregnancy, to act as intermediaries between policymakers and local program leaders, to perform research and promote networking, and to provide technical assistance to local agencies.

Major foundations, notably The Ford Foundation and The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, provided financial assistance to a variety of community organizations to work with schools to open school-based clinics. The possibility that a school-based health clinic could prevent adolescent pregnancy was first suggested by the results of the St.

Paul program in Edwards et al. Many local and state agencies followed this lead and organized such clinics. However, school systems, wary of controversy, usually stressed the need to improve adolescent health generally rather than to prevent pregnancy only.

Foundation investments in this field have varied over the years and across individual grant programs, but they, like the government, first stressed care for pregnant and parenting adolescents and then moved gradually to emphasize the prevention of pregnancy among teenagers.

Grant Foundation, developed demonstration projects to ameliorate the effects of childbearing by adolescents Klerman and Horwitz, Casey Foundation and heavy reliance in the developmental phase of school-based adolescent health centers on the support of The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. In sum, the existing network of programs around the country reflects a unique history, particularly the early interest in caring for pregnant adolescents, followed by changing ideologies at the federal level.

Reducing unintended pregnancy has rarely been a goal of these community-based, local programs, even though their stated goals, such as reducing repeat pregnancies, are often closely related to unintended pregnancy.

As just noted, few programs at the local level have been explicitly designed to prevent unintended pregnancy. Accordingly, the committee considered those programs whose various outcome measures or stated goals are closely related to reducing unintended pregnancy: 1 raising the age of first intercourse, 2 improving contraceptive use or, similarly, decreasing unprotected sexual activity , and 3 reducing pregnancy among adolescents, including rapid repeat pregnancy.

The committee further decided that to be considered "evaluated," a program must meet the following criteria: 1 the evaluation was completed since ; 2 the evaluation was performed using an experimental or quasi-experimental design; 3 the evaluation measured behavioral outcomes e.

With these criteria in mind, the committee conducted a national search to learn, in general, about local programs to reduce unintended pregnancy and, in particular, to identify programs whose results had been evaluated. Letters requesting information were sent to the directors of programs receiving Title X funds and the directors of maternal and child health agencies; federal and local government programs were contacted; foundation officers were queried; the primary investigators of several leading initiatives and the project directors of many smaller initiatives were approached; notices asking for program leads appeared in newsletters of the National Association of County Health Officials and the American Public Health Association and online through the Women's Health Network; and relevant literature was reviewed through MedLine, Social Science Index, Sociological Abstracts, Psychological Abstracts, Popline, and Family Resources databases, as well as the Health Promotion and Education Database from the CDC.

This search resulted in the identification of more than programs that in some way address unintended pregnancy. In the aggregate, they represent a wide array of approaches, from school-based condom distribution programs, to classic family planning clinics; from innovative programs of community education to highly targeted interventions to prevent rapid repeat pregnancy among adolescents.

However, only 23 met the committee's evaluation criteria. These programs are a small and unique subset of the many programs now under way that deal with issues of sexual activity and contraceptive use.

It is possible. Since every woman's body is a slightly different shape, diaphragms must be fitted to make sure they're the right size. CDC is not responsible for Section compliance accessibility on other federal or private website. The calendar method requires tracking the different phases of the menstrual cycle on a calendar, then noticing patterns over time and using the patterns to predict when ovulation will occur. It is important to remember that not all sleep sacks are created equal, as we will learn as we go on with this article. Doctors, nurses, and other health care providers can Encourage teens not to have sex.

New unintentional pregnancy prevention products

New unintentional pregnancy prevention products

New unintentional pregnancy prevention products. Pregnancy Prevention

Diaphragms are quite effective, but they don't prevent the transmission of STDs. Method 2. Birth control pills.

Birth control pills, often referred to in shorthand as "the Pill," consist of synthetic estrogen and progestin hormones that keep a woman's eggs from leaving her ovaries, so that pregnancy can't happen. Contraceptive pills are available on a prescription-only basis from your gynecologist or health care provider. The Pill must be taken every day, at the same time each day, to work properly. Skipping a few days could decrease its efficacy. The Pill causes some women to experience side effects.

Different brands of pills have different levels of estrogen and progestin, so your doctor may prescribe a different brand if one seems to be causing negative side effects. Other hormonal devices. The same hormones that make birth control pills effective can be distributed to the body by other means. If you don't like taking pills every day, consider these options: Depo-Provera, or the birth control shot.

This shot is administered in the arm once every three months. The shot is very effective at preventing pregnancy, but it has been reported that side effects are possible. Intrauterine Devices IUDs. The IUD is a small metal device inserted in the uterus by a health care provider. One type of IUD works by releasing hormones, and another type is made of copper, which affects the mobility of sperm and stops them from fertilizing the egg.

If you're concerned about disrupting your menstrual cycle, consider the copper IUD, which doesn't interfere with your hormones or cause hormonal birth control-related side effects. Method 3. Abstaining from vaginal intercourse prevents pregnancy by preventing the man's semen from coming into contact with the woman's egg.

Abstinence is one hundred percent effective in preventing pregnancy when it is used continuously. Some people define abstinence as abstaining from all sexual contact, but in order to prevent pregnancy, only vaginal intercourse needs to be avoided.

Abstinence requires strong willpower, and some people might find it difficult to rely on this birth control method for long periods of time. It's important to have another birth control method in place once abstinence is ended. Fertility awareness.

Also called natural family planning, this method of birth control requires having sex only during times of the menstrual cycle when the woman is not fertile. During times when pregnancy would be possible, periodic abstinence is employed. For fertility awareness to be effective, the practitioner must understand and respect the perimeters of her fertility. Fertility awareness often involves three different ways for calculating fertility : the calendar method, the mucus method, and the temperature method.

Used together, these three methods are very effective at determining exactly when a woman is fertile. The calendar method requires tracking the different phases of the menstrual cycle on a calendar, then noticing patterns over time and using the patterns to predict when ovulation will occur. Method 4. Female sterilization. Surgery is conducted to close off the fallopian tubes in a process called tubal ligation, preventing the possibility of pregnancy.

This method is extremely effective at preventing pregnancy, but it is not to be taken lightly, since it is difficult or impossible to reverse. Men may choose to undergo a process that blocks their vas deferentia, through which sperm flow, preventing them from mixing with semen.

Vasectomy may be reversed in some cases, but it should not be considered unless the intention is to become permanently sterilized.

Method 5. Use emergency contraception. Also called Plan B, emergency contraception consists of two pills containing levonorgestrel that are ingested as soon as possible after sexual intercourse. Emergency contraception is available at most pharmacies and from your healthcare provider. Emergency contraception should not be a replacement for regular birth control; it's a last resort to be take after unprotected sex.

The main ways men can help prevent pregnancy are to abstain from sex, wear a condom during sex, or have a vasectomy. Yes No. Not Helpful 4 Helpful How can my girlfriend and I avoid pregnancy after having unprotected sex? You can take a Plan B pill within a short period of time after having sex to prevent pregnancy. This can be found in your local drugstore.

If your girlfriend does become pregnant, seek professional help. If you're underage, speak with your parents about this. If this isn't possible, there are anonymous 'help centers' for underage teenagers dealing with pregnancy.

Not Helpful 28 Helpful Is it possible for me to be pregnant while I'm using contraception pills? It is possible. Vomiting, diarrhea and certain medications can interfere with the pill's effectiveness. Not Helpful 14 Helpful Yes, you can. This is possible by using an anti conception pill for example, but watch out, because this doesn't protect you from STDs. Not Helpful 25 Helpful I had sex using a condom, but it broke. I took emergency contraception afterwards, but I'm concerned because I haven't had my period for five months.

Could I be pregnant? What do I do? You could start by taking a pregnancy test -- they're usually pretty accurate. Either way you should see your doctor. If you are pregnant, you're halfway through your second trimester and need to see a medical professional as soon as possible. If you aren't, your doctor can help you explore why your periods have stopped.

Not Helpful 27 Helpful My period is a week late, and I had sex. He popped his sperm inside me. If nothing happens after 5 more seconds an alert will go off to tell mom and dad that something is possibly wrong. There is a downfall to these monitors, and while they cause no harm to the baby, it may worry mom and dad for no reason. There is always a chance that these devices will become moved or jostled at some point through the night.

This could cause them to send off an alert because it has become detached, so it is not sensing any heart rate or breathing. If mom or dad gets an alert in the middle of the night, it is bound to make them jump out of bed with anxiety already in their throat. Only to find out that everything is fine and that the monitor just fell off. It is always smart to be prepared for these moments. This next one is still a sensor product, but it works a lot different than your average monitors.

This product is designed to detect the movement of your little one during the night by placing sensor pads underneath the mattress. This may work better for those babies who do not like sleeping with something attached to them.

Since the item has no contact with the baby it is considered safe to use and poses no risk to the baby. It is one of the higher teched items on our list and it may put a dent in your bank account.

It is also important to keep in mind that the alerts these units set off are not heard by the baby, it goes directly to the parents. So, in a case where there is a simple misreading, there is no risk of waking a sleeping baby. Here we have arrived at another unintentional invention that may be helping in reducing the risk of SIDS. They claim that this is due to the circulating air. When air is constantly being circulated, the chances of your little one getting better quality air is higher.

They have less of a chance of breathing in too much carbon dioxide, or recycled air. When babies are in the womb, they are used to a very noisy environment. When they are born, believe it or not, the world seems very quiet to them and they are not comfortable. Now, baby monitors are considered smart as well.

This is a baby monitor for both breathing and movement and it is FCC approved. It alerts parents to if their baby is sleeping on their stomach, if their breathing is fine, if they fail and other movements. It may be a bit excessive because it does send you 5 alerts every 5 seconds. So, your phone will be blowing up which may be exactly what some parents are looking for.

Most newborns can not roll onto their stomach at such a young age, but if they manage it, this will alert mom and dad that the baby has rolled so that they can go in and roll them back on to their back. This, of course, only applies to newborns as once older babies can roll they are finding to stay on their stomach. It even has a function that works like a regular baby monitor, you will be able to hear your baby through the app you download on your phone.

The clothing, known as the Mimo Kimono, is available in three sizes and is completely machine washable and can be placed in the dryer. It can be worn under other clothes or will even work over three layers of cotton clothes. Particularly those that involve breathing difficulties. If your baby also must sleep on their stomach for reflux reasons it can help give mom and dad some peace of mind. Also, the fact that it connects to a smartphone makes things much easier for modern parents.

There is something else that everyone buys for their new baby that has been proven to reduce the risk of SIDS. When I say reduced, I mean that when it was introduced as another element to help support safe sleep, the numbers of infants dying from SIDS drastically decline and this can not all be a coincidence, right?

Along with a fan, empty crib and sleep sack, another element you should have in the crib is a firm and flat mattress. Most mattresses that are sold for infant cribs are firm, to kind of force parents to buy the proper one. The reason a firm mattress is the way to go is because it keeps the baby at the same level.

A soft mattress would sink in when the baby was laying in it. This would not be good. We all like to save some money when it comes to welcoming a baby into the world, they sure are expensive. However, there are some things that are best bought brand new. Some companies are trusted by parents more than others. We know these brands; our friends use these brands and we would only buy products made by certain brands.

Levana is one of these brands, my own baby monitor is Levana and it holds up like a charm. Levana makes more than just your standard baby monitor, they also make monitors that can help reduce the risk of SIDS. The product is called Levana Oma and it is powered by Snuza, another trusted brand. It is designed to alert you if it detects no movement. When newborn babies sleep, they are not sound sleepers. They are constantly making noises and are wriggling little things.

It would be concerning to anyone if a newborn went completely still when sleeping and would possible mean that there is a problem going on. It will also detect weak movements. We mentioned at the beginning that there are always some items that claim to be a great tool in the fight against SIDS, even when these products are not advertised as being a SIDS preventing product.

Pacifiers have been linked to help reduce the risk of SIDS among infants. The studies have shown that when a baby uses a pacifier at night, it keeps them in a semi-alert state while they actively suck when sleeping. The problem is, there was a huge recall on pacifiers that could happen to everyone, and the outcome can be the same as SIDS. MAM pacifiers had come under fire lately for being faulty. They have been blamed for having the nipple part of the pacifier coming completely dislodged.

One mom was horrified when she heard her son gurgling in his sleep and when she went in, he had the end of his pacifier lodged in his throat.

She exclaimed that it was the scariest and worst moment of her life. Her son, luckily, was fine after the incident. Her son is lucky to have such a vigilant mom who checked in on the baby when she did.

We know how precious sleep is to new parents, and any product that claims to help improve sleep catches the eye of every tired mom and dad out there. It is even better when the same products have claims to help prevent SIDS. It seems like a win-win situation. These may help keep the baby on its side or help prop them up if they are suffering with some reflux issues. The only sleep rule mom needs to know is on their back, on a flat surface. This is the best sleeping position to help reduce the risk of SIDS.

Any other product that claims to help prevent SIDS is not to be trusted and could potentially be dangerous. It is best to not waste your money, and if your baby has reflux, talk to your doctor about what you can do to help your baby sleep at night. Not all breathing monitors are safe or accurate.

When looking at these breathing monitors, it is important to only use ones that are cordless.

Prevent Unintended Pregnancy | 6|18 Initiative | CDC

An unintended pregnancy is a pregnancy that is either unwanted, such as the pregnancy occurred when no children or no more children were desired. Or the pregnancy is mistimed, such as the pregnancy occurred earlier than desired. The concept of unintended pregnancy helps in understanding the fertility of populations and the unmet need for contraception , also known as birth control, and family planning.

Most unintended pregnancies result from not using contraception or from not using it consistently or correctly. To help women, men, and couples prevent or achieve pregnancy, it is essential to understand their pregnancy intentions or reproductive life plan. A reproductive life plan may include personal goals about becoming pregnant, such as whether they want to have any or more children, and the desired timing and spacing of those children.

A reproductive life plan may help identify reproductive health care needs that include contraceptive services, pregnancy testing, and counseling to help become pregnant, or manage a pregnancy with prenatal and delivery care.

Women who choose to delay or prevent pregnancy should be offered contraceptive services that include:. Preconception health and health care services pdf icon [PDF — KB] aim to promote the health of women and men of reproductive age before conceiving a child, and thereby help to reduce pregnancy-related adverse outcomes, such as low birthweight, premature birth, and infant mortality.

Women of reproductive age can make choices about their health and health care that help to keep themselves healthy, and if they choose to be pregnant, have a healthy baby. Adopting healthy behaviors is the first step women can take to get ready for the healthiest pregnancy possible. Unintended pregnancy is associated with an increased risk of problems for the mom and baby. If the mom was not planning to get pregnant, she may have unhealthy behaviors or delay getting health care during the pregnancy, which could affect the health of the baby.

Therefore, it is important for all women of reproductive age to adopt healthy behaviors such as:. That is an improvement, but some groups still tend to have higher rates of unintended pregnancy.

Unintended pregnancy rates per 1, women were highest among women who:. The United States set family planning goals in Healthy People external icon to improve pregnancy planning and spacing, and to reduce the number of unintended pregnancies.

Two ways to reach these goals are to increase:. Skip directly to site content Skip directly to page options Skip directly to A-Z link. Reproductive Health. Section Navigation. Unintended Pregnancy. Minus Related Pages. Get E-mail Updates.

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New unintentional pregnancy prevention products

New unintentional pregnancy prevention products